Both Hindus and Muslims believe, after death they will either go to Paradise ( Svarga/Jannah) or Hell (Naraka/Jahannam), depending. One frequently hears of parents disowning their son or daughter. Both Hindus and Muslims reject the idea of inter-marriage on grounds, which. If you think both Hinduism and Islam are as different as chalk and cheese, then you're wrong. This will change your mind.
Let us now turn to the Quranic verse, 2: Since religions differ primarily in their theology rather than in their ethics parents professing different religions should have no problem in teaching basic moral principles to the children. See sidebar in Chapter 3 for more details on the unaffiliated and secularization theory. Mankind is, potentially, one family, and different religions represent diverse responses to the mystery of the cosmos.
I love my boyfriend but we’re different religions. Will that matter when we wed?
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Declining gender gaps in formal education In this study, more women than men have no formal education: In some religious groups, the gender gaps in acquiring any formal education are particularly large. In other religions, the gender differences in the shares with no formal schooling are smaller, ranging from 9 points among the religiously unaffiliated to just 1 point among Jews.
But Hindus have substantially narrowed the gender gap in primary schooling, as shares of Hindu women with no formal schooling decreased across the three generations studied. Muslims also have reduced the gender gap across generations by 11 percentage points. But in the youngest generation, a point difference remains: Among religiously unaffiliated adults and Buddhists worldwide, meanwhile, the gender gap in the shares with no formal schooling has virtually disappeared.
But across generations, women have been outpacing men in reaching higher levels of education. In the youngest generation of three faith groups — Jews, Christians and the religiously unaffiliated — the gender gap in higher education has actually reversed.
The biggest reversal has happened among Jews. In other words, a 7-point gender gap in the oldest generation with more men than women holding advanced degrees is now a point gender gap in the other direction, with more women than men in the youngest generation of Jews holding degrees.
See Chapter 6 for details. Christians and religiously unaffiliated people have experienced similar — although not as dramatic — reversals of the gender gap in post-secondary education. Similarly, among religiously unaffiliated people, the 3-point gender gap in the oldest generation with more men than women having higher education is now a 3-point gap in the other direction in the youngest generation, with more women than men earning post-secondary degrees. Meanwhile, the gender gap in higher education has narrowed for Buddhists by 5 points and Muslims by 3 points.
The gender gap in post-secondary education among Hindus has held steady across generations. Muslims in Europe, for example, have more years of schooling, on average, than Muslims in the Middle East. This is because education levels are affected by many factors other than religion, including socioeconomic conditions, government resources and migration policies, the presence or absence of armed conflict and the prevalence of child labor and marriage.
At the same time, this study finds that even under the same regional or national conditions, there often are differences in education attainment among those within religious groups. Here are some findings from this report that illustrate both the diversity within the same religious group across different regions of the world, and the diversity within the same region among religious groups: There is a large and pervasive gap in educational attainment between Muslims and Christians in sub-Saharan Africa.
By all attainment measures, Muslim adults in the region — both women and men — are far less educated than their Christian counterparts.
Moreover, despite growth in the share of adults with any formal schooling in recent decades, the Muslim-Christian attainment gap has widened across generations, largely because Muslims have not kept pace with educational gains made by Christians.
See Chapter 1 for more on the Muslim-Christian gap in sub-Saharan Africa, and Chapter 7 for a discussion of possible explanations. Also in sub-Saharan Africa, the Muslim gender gap in education has remained largely unchanged across generations — and even widened slightly by some measures of attainment analyzed in this study.
Although the youngest Muslim women in this region are making educational gains compared with their elders, they are making them at a slightly slower rate than their male peers. This pattern differs from some other regions, where Muslim women are generally making educational gains at a faster pace than Muslim men, thus narrowing the gender gap.
See Chapter 1 for details. Christians have remained fairly stable at the global level in their overall educational attainment over three generations. But their attainment varies considerably by region. Christians in Europe and North America tend to be much more highly educated than those in sub-Saharan Africa, for instance, although African Christians are making rapid educational gains across generations.
See Chapter 2 for more detail on educational attainment among Christians. Jews also have remained stable in their already high levels of educational attainment over recent generations. But Jews, unlike Christians, are a much smaller and more localized population, with a large majority of all Jews worldwide living in just two countries — Israel and the United States — where educational attainment is relatively high overall.
Chapter 6 explores data on Jews in more detail. At the global level, religiously unaffiliated adults have 1. One possible reason for this is that unaffiliated people are disproportionately concentrated in countries with relatively high overall levels of educational attainment, while the religiously affiliated are more dispersed across countries with both high and low levels of attainment. To this point, we want to give our three young sons depth.
We aim to give them the tools any believer needs to practice their faith, so we pray together, sing songs, meditate, read and reflect on sacred texts. We do this together at home and in churches and other places of worship, near and far.
But depth is not the only goal we have for our children. We want to help them become religiously literate citizens, giving them breadth as well.
So, we read the Bible and the Ramayana. We sing gospels and chant mantras. We talk about the Buddha and tell folk religion origin stories. We build sukkahs and release our clay Ganeshas into the ocean. We decorate our Christmas tree and light our menorah. We talk about peace, justice, compassion, generosity and God — referencing religions far beyond our own, across time, distance, and culture.
Despite all this, some people still ask us, exasperated: It makes sense that so many of us dream, initially at least, that we will find true love with a person who shares the same religious label, because we think it means they have walked the same religious path that we have. We naturally look for someone who has made the same leaps of faith, who has gone through the same internal transformation, who nods along knowingly as we describe our indescribable connection to something invisible. We imagine someone who gets us, who shares the same truth or God or gods that we do, or, perhaps, who has uttered the same denials as us, or who remains as steadfastly unsure about the meaning of it all as we ourselves are.
The assumption here is that sharing the same religion is a shortcut to deeper unity. But praying the same words in the same order, or reading the same sacred book through and through again, or singing the same songs are not necessarily a gateway to a meaningful connection.
Each journey of faith is unique and personal. No two believers are alike. And, as anyone in any relationship will tell you, no two people are alike.